Why Kenyan Ladies End Up Single For Life
1. Many Kenyan ladies will end up singles for life
because of media exposure- it is so disheartening how a lady will glue
her eyes on a mobile phone from morning to night, only to raise it up to
focus on television to watch another celebrity entertainment channel.
Tell me, what else will dominate this lady’s mindset aside how to live a
fake celebrity life being promoted on television channels?
2. Many Kenyan ladies now dislike cooking and home chores just
because they had been totally brainwashed by movies showcasing men
playing the role of women in a family, and due to excessive exposure to
modern media that promotes gender-equality in a destructive way that’s
aimed at destroying the unique African family setting that made our
previous African marriages everlasting and envious to the westerns. Now,
with this attitude, how do you expect a Kenyan man to desire to marry
when he knows he is only buying more headache and trouble than helper
for himself?
3. Modern fashion and craze for gadgets is a great barrier to most ladies finding love and marriage. How
do we explain a single lady whose only desire in life is to acquire the
latest clothe in town, the latest mobile phone and pad to the detriment
of her woman worth? How can a single lady maintain this lifestyle for
long without bowing low to immoral lifestyle? How do you expect a man
from a responsible family background, and who is in his right senses to
propose marriage to a lady whose utmost desire and concern in life is to
acquire costly electronic gadgets, clothes, jewelry, perfume, etc? Of
course, majority of men would like to date such a trendy lady for fun
and show-off, but wouldn’t want to propose marriage to such a lady even
if she is earning the money herself because her expensive lifestyle
already is a big turn off to most responsible serious-minded single men.
Only men that are out to catch fun will be closely attracted to her,
and her chances of getting a marriage proposal from them is as slim as a
camel passing through the eye of a needle.
4. Excessive makeup turns most decent and serious-minded men off-
if you have observed, you will discover that most men dislike excessive
makeup, and more don’t even like it at all; reason they often times
discourage their true loved ones to do away with it cos it speaks ill of
a lady even though so many men will applaud and complement you for
looking like an Egyptian mummy. A slight makeup is okay; but if you are
out for marriage, try always to look simple and natural, it will attract
better men, decent and serious-minded, except you are still living in
your high school life and not thinking towards marriage.
6. Stop Giving Your Number Out To Every Dick & Harry! No man would want to propose marriage to a lady whose phone is always talking and laughing with unserious calls. You may not be a playgirl, but he would judge you as one, and will likely flee at the slightest chance or disagreement.
7. You Don’t Bring Any Value Into The Life Of Men You Date or Are Dating-
because your best friend married without contributing anything to the
man that finally married her, doesn’t mean it will work for you that
way. Think, work towards equipping yourself so that you can be a value
and also add value to his life to convince him that you are worth
committing to. Adding value to his life isn’t by giving him money, or
material gifts, nope….good counsels, being his best friend, helping him
attain his goals in life, lending him moral, mental and spiritual
support, and by not just being a liability that only bring requests and
problems to be solved.
8. Your Friends Run Your Life- how
do you expect to find a husband when you still allow your clique of
friends to be dictating which man you meet is worthy of your love and
which is not? When will you wake up and face the fact that those your
best friends even though they cherish you, wouldn’t want you to marry
before them or to marry the best man?
9. You Move Around In Group-
often times, you miss the advance of a good decent man when you move in
group, be wise. Again, men don’t always fancy ladies that move around
in group because most ladies can only be reasonable when you separate
them from their group of friends.
10. You Give Everything Out During Dating- As
a single lady who has not been taken to the altar, you need to reserve
some things for your husband to be, especially your body, respect it and
preserve it at all cost. In the past, men rushed to marry to get
certain things or privileges they had been constantly denied while being
single. Such privileges include and not limited to: constant sex and
companionship, good food and tidied home, etc. But today, a single man
gets even the best and of course more of constant sex, good food and
excellent home-keeping more than his married counterparts, so tell me
how the hell you want him to desire to marry you when you have given him
virtually everything he desires from a wife while being his girlfriend?
And the most painful part of it all is that he knows that you are
prepared to cut down on sex supply, cooking, home-keeping, etc once he
marries you, so why would he not want you to remain his girlfriend for
life?
For instance, everywhere you go today, you hear majority of single
ladies crying that they won’t be a cook for their husbands, that their
husband must know how to cook and must be participating equally in
cooking and home-keeping, that they cannot marry a man who cannot cook
or keep the home clean and all of that, but these single ladies are
doing these things happily for their boyfriends and perceived fiancés
without complain, but they keep complaining that they won’t do it when
they finally marry, and the single men are hearing all these.
Now, a particular single man has three to four girlfriends who
comes and cook, clean the house for him happily, and they also supply
him with constant sex even when he doesn’t ask, and he is aware that
once he marries any of them, she would stop or reduce the rate at which
she cooks for him and would want him to be participating in the cooking,
say; 60-40% of the time, and he knows too that if he marries any of
them, she would start to deny him sex whenever she deems fit in the name
of ‘I’m not in the mood’ or ‘I’m exhausted at work or business’ etc,
but she was never tired to do any of the aforementioned things while
dating the man, so tell me sincerely, how do we expect single men of
today to still desire to marry like their fathers and forefathers
desired to marry, with all these shabby scenarios surrounding our today
ladies?
11. You Package Yourself Wrongly- in
your attempt to look sexy, adorable and maybe appealing to guys, you
have derailed from appealing to appalling. In fact you look more whorish
than modest; more distractive than attractive, and more disgusting than
adorable. Your dressing style determines who gets attracted to you most
times. If you dress high school, only high school-thinking guys will be
attracted to you, and if you dress excessively sexy and provocative,
only randy men will come to you for urgent satisfaction of their
immediate sex urge, so don’t be fooled by media hyping of certain kinds
of dressing, they are meant for certain set of ladies you wouldn't like to
be associated with, be careful. Remember, not all clothes that look
sexy are good for a seriously searching for a soul mate single lady.
12. You Lack Manner, Character, Wisdom and Good Home Upbringing- definitely,
your ‘hot girl’, ‘pretty girl’, ‘sexy girl’ looks will win you so many
men; both the good, and the bad, but your inner beauty, your character
and manner are the things that will determine whether any of those men
would stay or run after accomplishing their evil missions. In order
words, do away with nagging, being possessive, challenging with men in
negative ways, the mentality of ‘what a man can do a woman can do
better’, a lie devil has used to deceive and destroy so many ladies
today, please do away with it.
13. You Are A Liability- in as
much as we know that the present economy of Kenya and the world in
general is harsh, men and society in general careless about how you
react to this situation, how do I mean? Read on.
You are from a poor family background, and you have no job or you
are earning below $1000 a month but you want to wear designer clothes,
shoes, jewelry, perfume and also carry Prada and Gucci hand bags. You
want to use the most expensive gadgets- mobile phones, pads, etc. you
are from a poor family background, or average family, etc is not a
justifiable reason for you to be depending on men for virtually
everything you need in life. Show yourself some respect. And don’t think
you can split your exorbitant expenses amongst different men, by dating
different men so that you won’t be demanding from that one you truly
love amongst them, so that he will be convinced that you are a good girl
who doesn’t demand, fallacy! A man knows when his woman is sleeping
around with other men to meet her needs, most men only decide to keep
mute for reasons, don’t get it twisted, but hardly will they marry you-
that’s why you see a lot of pretty ladies complain; “after giving him my
love, my body, my heart, and did everything for him, etc, he paid me
back with heartbreak, God will punish him, blah, blah, blah” says who?
Of course you don’t expect a man in his rightful senses to marry an
unrepentant whore, do you? Would you welcome your own brother bringing
home a playgirl as his would-be wife, be honest please?
There are zillions of decent and honorable things you can do as a
single lady to at least meet your own financial needs without sleeping
around with men or depending on one man to supply all your needs.
Finally, cut your skirt according to your length. You are from a poor
family, your parents earn below $3000 a month, but you want to look like
Rihanna, wear the same clothe she wears, you want to live a similar
life Beyonce, Genevieve and Tiwa Savage lives, and you want to dine in
the costliest hotels and restaurants, and you are jobless or earning
below $2000 a month. Now tell me sincerely, how is it possible to
achieve this foolish goal without patronizing immoral lifestyle to meet
the insatiable demands?
14. Your Role Models Are Totally Strange And Bad! If
you want to be a great woman tomorrow, start now to emulate great
women- study their foot parts, their lifestyle, their ways and try to
inculcate their lifestyle into yours. Stop looking up to music stars and
fake celebrity ladies, etc as your only role model in life. What
happened to looking up to women like- Ngozi Okonjoiweala, Oby
Ezekwesili, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, Sen. Dabiri, Sang Suu Kyi, Hilary
Clinton, Michele Obama, etc? Stop glueing your eyes on fashion TV,
Fashion One, Big Brother TV Show, E! etc, and start now to build
interest in economy issues, current affairs, economy and business news,
watch more of CNN, National Geographic channel, Channels TV, ESPN,
Discovery World, Animal Planet, Aljazeera TV, Super Sports, etc, these
are what men love to see women do cos only a handful of women show
interest in these, and those few women are those ones that end up being
great women in future. Movie Magic, Africa Magic will only inculcate bad
habit, poor manner and laziness in you, please wake up before you end
up single for life, which I pray not.
“Love is always bestowed as a gift -freely, willingly, and without expectation. We don’t love to be loved, we love to love.” -Leo Buscagalia
Kenya to swear in president, leave West with headache
By Edmund Blair
Western states regard Kenya as crucial to regional stability and have supported the role played by Kenyan and other African troops in efforts to push back al Qaeda-affiliated Islamist militants in neighbouring Somalia.
"They find themselves in a very difficult position," said Kenya expert Daniel Branch at Britain's Warwick University. "My sense is everyone will find some method of accommodation."
Sitting alongside the Western envoys will be about a dozen African heads of state as well as prime ministers and other top officials. China and India, neither signatories to the statutes that set up the ICC, are sending senior government officials.
But Western ambassadors at the stadium on the outskirts of Nairobi will be saved one awkward moment. A Kenyan government spokesman said the ceremony would not be attended by Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, who is charged with genocide in The Hague and now faces an arrest warrant for not cooperating.
Kenyatta and his deputy president, William Ruto, who is also facing charges of crimes against humanity, have both promised to work with the court to clear their names of charges they deny.
Western diplomats have indicated they will take a "pragmatic" line in dealing with Kenyatta's government, but said much would depend on his cooperation with the court.
He is accused of orchestrating tribal blood-letting after the disputed vote five years ago that killed 1,200 people.
A dispute over who won the election this time was played out peacefully in court. The victory by Kenyatta, who is the son of Kenya's founding president, was upheld.
ENGAGING
Many Kenyans hope that Kenyatta, a 51-year-old former finance minister, will now deliver a swift improvement in the economy, which has yet to return to the 7 percent growth rate attained before the December 2007 vote.
In an early sign of Western determination to keep a close partnership with Kenya, U.S. Ambassador Robert Godec met Kenyatta last week for the first time since his election and EU ambassadors put in a request for a session with him.
"We will continue to engage with the government of Kenya," said one European diplomat, noting that the ICC charges are against individuals, not the nation.
An EU official said the meeting requested with Kenyatta aimed to "clear the air" over speculation that the West would impose sanctions on Kenya if Kenyatta won. "No one is talking of sanctions," the official told Reuters.
Although some Kenyatta aides talk of a swivel east if the West spurns Kenya, the U.S.-educated Kenyatta may be just as concerned about any deterioration in ties with the EU, a big donor and significant importer of Kenyan produce, and Washington, which provides about $900 million in aid a year.
An Asian diplomat noted that Kenya could not easily switch away from Western markets, even though he said ties with Asian nations were growing.
Warwick University's Branch said Kenyatta was keenly aware of the need to keep steady relations with the West. "Kenya is part of the global economy and markets in the EU are far too important," he said.
A big portion of Kenya's horticultural exports head to Europe and many tourists, another source of hard currency, come from there. Western oil and gas firms are also major players in Kenya's emerging hydrocarbons industry.
Source:reuters
Ciku Muiruri "Busted" Cuddling With Artur Brother
On yesterday's "Jicho Pevu" which investigated the death of
George Saitoti, Mohammed Ali tried to make a link between the Artur
brothers and Saitoti's death. The Jicho Pevu crew conveniently used the
attached photo to describe the Arturs, which shows Ciku Muiruri getting
extra friendly with Artur Margaryan.
The irony of this all is that Ciku hosts a show called "Busted" in
which she attempts to expose people's extra-marital shenanigans(by the
way, we found out for sure that "Busted" is fake). Seems like Ciku has had shenanigans of her own as well.
They say what we do in the past can sometimes come up to haunt us. I'm sure Ciku Muiruri thought nothing about associating with the Artur brothers. Afterall, she was at a party that they had hosted for the media.
It all came back yesterday with the Jicho Pevu bit aired on KTN. But the beautiful Ciku Muiruri
has now come out swinging to defend herself because she believes that
she was unfairly portrayed on the clip aired yesterday because she
asserts, last night's Jicho Pevu was premised on half truths. I can
understand why she has come out to defend herself by giving her side of
the equation given the fact that a Facebook page has already decided to
kill her.Here's what the comely Classic FM presenter had to say
Yes, that was me with Atur!!!!! That's an old story, LOL! But for those of you seeing it for the first time, it was shot at a bash that the Atur brothers threw for the media back in the day when their activities in Kenya were still a mystery. I was then the Editor of Pulse magazine of the Standard newspaper. Aware that I was attending said bash, was my boss, the then Managing Editor of the Standard, Pamela Makotsi. I was of the opinion, when it came to the Aturs, that you catch more flies with honey than vinegar and she acquiesced. We were both vindicated, albeit I was in a different media house by then, when I eventually landed the interview of decade. More on that in a bit. Back to the bash where, standing next to me and cut out of the shot, I'm sure on purpose (Perhaps for drama? tut tut) was Eve D'Souza and Sheila Mwanyigha. Also at the bash was the then Buzz (Sunday Nation) Editor, Adhiambo Odera. Pinky Ghelani was also there and numerous others. Atur lifted me onto a counter to make space for all of us to take a picture. I don't see the relevance of putting that particular clip (of me only) in today's program unless Mohammed Ali was upset that I refused to give him Winnie Mwai's number when he called asking for it recently - Dude, you uncover numerous conspiracies and can't get a simple phone number??? :).
Curiously, this clip run on NTV, how do KTN have it?
Anyhow, Winnie is my friend, so sorry, I was not sleeping with her boyfriend. You may remember I was and still am, the only journalist who has ever gotten her to agree to an interview. This AFTER the clip ran on NTV. She knew (as did those that were present when he lifted me that day) that it was made to look like something it was not.
The exclusive interview with Winnie (after the brothers were deported) was on the easy fm breakfast show (which I hosted at the time) and was also filmed by NTV, who subsequently played it on the evening news. Funny thing is that this particular interview was also aired by Jicho Pevu a few months ago (No credit was given to easy fm or NTV or to me). Did they buy the footage or how does this work? Perhaps I should investigate Jicho Pevu myself. Mohammed Ali, please investigate this media bash further and get the original raw footage that has ALL the journalists and radio presenters that were in the shot. Half truths should not be allowed on a program that seeks to have a reputation for uncovering the entire truth. And the next time you run an interview that neither you nor your media house did, perhaps you can CREDIT your source? The name is Ciku Muiruri. Thank you, doll.
Top artistes for Uhuru’s inauguration
By EDITH FORTUNATEKenya’s top musicians have been lined up to
perform this Tuesday as the president-elect Uhuru Kenyatta takes oath of
office at the Moi International Sports Centre, Kasarani.
Afro-pop group Sauti Sol; gospel musicians
Rufftone, Ringtone and Daddy Owen; and singer Jaguar, have all been
lined up to perform. The musicians will perform before the
president-elect, deputy president-elect and the incumbent President Mwai
Kibaki arrive for the swearing in ceremony. President Kibaki will be
the last one to arrive at the venue.
The musicians have been at the Kasarani Sports
Complex for the whole week where full rehearsals are being carried out
ahead of the historic inauguration of the son of Kenya’s founding
president on April 9.
The mix of urban Kenyan, pop, gospel and
contemporary will provide useful entertainment for Kenyans at the
stadium and those watching from home, and provide a background for the
dazzling marches by Kenya’s Armed Forces one that will be Kibaki’s last
to inspect.
Other artists who will perform at the event include gospels artistes Emmy Kosgei, Jemimah Thiong’o and rapper Madtraxx
Source:Daily Nation
Source:Daily Nation
Uganda Proposes Ban on Miniskirts
The government of Uganda is proposing legislation that would ban women from wearing miniskirts in public, according to a report in the Mail & Guardian, a South African weekly newspaper.
The paper quotes Uganda’s ethics and integrity minister explaining the proposed law. “It’s outlawing any indecent dressing including miniskirts,” he said, according to the report. “Anything above the knee is outlawed. If a woman wears a miniskirt, we will arrest her.”
Miniskirts are legal in the United States, of course. But that doesn’t mean women (or men) can wear them anywhere.
Under Federal Bureau of Prisons policy, wearing a miniskirt may result “in your being denied visitation” to a federal prison.
Until recently, a Securities and Exchange Commission dress code regulation specifically banned miniskirts on trading floors. It now encourages its members to adopt a business casual dress code.
The paper quotes Uganda’s ethics and integrity minister explaining the proposed law. “It’s outlawing any indecent dressing including miniskirts,” he said, according to the report. “Anything above the knee is outlawed. If a woman wears a miniskirt, we will arrest her.”
Miniskirts are legal in the United States, of course. But that doesn’t mean women (or men) can wear them anywhere.
Under Federal Bureau of Prisons policy, wearing a miniskirt may result “in your being denied visitation” to a federal prison.
Until recently, a Securities and Exchange Commission dress code regulation specifically banned miniskirts on trading floors. It now encourages its members to adopt a business casual dress code.
Youths to reap from Jubilee win
“Jubilee Coalition rolled out an extensive and impressive campaign whose manifesto centred on uniting and reconciling the country as well as steering growth and development. Set to largely benefit is the Kenyan youth who constitute about 55 percent of the Kenyan population,” he said.
Currently, 70 percent of the unemployed people in Kenya are the youth and according to Waikenda, the high rate remains one of the greatest challenges facing the country.
He says that the education system in Kenya is not geared towards market demand and unemployed youth though with education, do not possess relevant skills.
Waikenda maintains that the Jubilee Government will first seek to unite all Kenyans including those who did not vote for president-elect Uhuru Kenyatta.
“The President represents the whole country even those who never voted in his favour. It is what true patriotism really is about,” he added.
Already The National Alliance (TNA) on whose ticket Kenyatta sought the presidency has nominated youthful MPs in party Chairman Johnson Sakaja, Amina Abdalla and Janet Mararia Teiyaa to the 11th Parliament.
On the other hand the United Republican party (URP) which nominated Deputy President-elect William Ruto has chosen journalist Naisula Lesuuda and former Youth Agenda Communications Officer Lydia Mathya to the Senate.
The coalition launched a manifesto based on three main pillars as a long term strategic plan for transforming Kenya.
The pillars are Umoja (National Cohesion and Unity); Uchumi (Economic transformation) and Uwazi (Transparency and accountability).
Source:Capitalfm
Celebrating life and legacy of Wangari Maathai
It is no Joke, today Google Africa is celebrating the of Kenyan Born Wangari Maathai born on the 1st of April 1940 and who died on the 25th of September 2011. She was a Kenyan Woman’s Rights, Environmental and Political Activist.
Wangari Maathai were responsible for
many controversy statements during her life time, one of these were
about Aids, she speculated the HIV/Aids were a biological weapon created
by the western worlds to decimate African populations.
In a 2004 interview with Time, in
response to questions concerning that report, Maathai replied, “I have
no idea who created AIDS and whether it is a biological agent or not.
But I do know things like that don’t come from the moon. I have always
thought that it is important to tell people the truth, but I guess there
is some truth that must not be too exposed,” and when asked what she
meant, she continued, “I’m referring to AIDS. I am sure people know
where it came from. And I’m quite sure it did not come from the monkeys
She later released an official statement saying:
Wangari Maathai said that “I have warned people against false beliefs and misinformation such as attributing this disease to a curse from God or believing that sleeping with a virgin cures the infection.These prevalent beliefs in my region have led to an upsurge in rape and violence against children. It is within this context, also complicated by the cultural and religious perspective that I often speak. I have therefore been shocked by the ongoing debate generated by what I am purported to have said. It is therefore critical for me to state that I neither say nor believe that the virus was developed by white people or white powers in order to destroy the African people. Such views are wicked and destructive” by Wangari Maathai
Wangari Maathai
received her University Education in the United States of America at
the University of Pittsburg and also studied in Kenia at the University
College of Nairobi and were qualified in B.S. Biology, M.S Biological
Science and PhD Veterinary Anatomy.
Wangari Maathai were most known for the
Green Belt Movement which she founded in the 1970’s in Kenya. The Green
Belt Movement was aimed at woman’s rights and focused mainly on
environmental issues. In 1986, she was awarded the Right Livelihood
Award, and in 2004, she became the first African woman to receive the
Nobel Peace Prize for “her contribution to sustainable development,
democracy and peace.”
Wangari Maathai
was an elected Member of Parliament and served as assistant minister
for Environment and Natural Resources in the government of President
Mwai Kibaki between January 2003 and November 2005. Furthermore she was
an Honorary Councilor of the World Future Council.
In 2006 Wangari Maathai met with President Barak Obama.
Today’s Google Doodle 1st
April 2013 have an image of what looks like Wangari Maathai in the
middle of the Google Doodle, in the background you can see a African
Jungle with the letters Google hanging from the trees, all these very
much part of what Wangari Maathai stood for!
Hope you enjoy the Wangari Maathai
Google Doodle and if you are celebrating Easter, we here at 3D Car Shows
wish you happiness and peace for the year to come!
So what next for Raila and Kalonzo?
At the height of the infamous political impasse in 2008, Prime Minister Raila Odinga commented that it was not his birthright to be President.
Raila hilariously teased that he could after all retire to the expansive Kibera slum in his former Lang’ata Constituency and sell mandazi for a living.
Five years later, Raila finds himself in another post-election dilemma and some may be tempted to ask whether that mandazi moment is finally here. A similar question is bound to be asked of his running mate on the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) ticket, Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka, who before teaming up with Raila indicated he would retire to his Tseikuru rural village in Kitui County, “to take care of my goats” if he lost the elections.
Prof Macharia Munene, who teaches History and International Relations at the United States International University - Kenya, argues that the Supreme Court ruling in favour of the IEBC position could well break or rejuvenate political careers of the CORD duo.
“It will all depend on their personal dispositions. They can stay relevant on the politi
cal scene and Kenyan politics if they accept the final judgement and go back to the drawing board to scheme a comeback in the same way the President-elect did after losing to Mwai Kibaki of the Narc Coalition in 2002,” advises the historian.
Not hungry
Noting that Raila and Kalonzo are not hungry or poor Kenyans, Mr Munene observes that the two can afford to take a three-month holiday overseas to reflect on their performance in the General Election. According to Munene, the CORD pair can afford a five-year absence from the scene and remerge as a more formidable team in 2017. “But they can also become politically irrelevant if they lose their heads and become grumpy or stage open protests and hostility against the Uhuru Government. The moment they take that dangerous path, then it may well be over for them,” says Munene.
Reached for comment, the PM’s official spokesman Dennis Onyango was tactical. He told The Standard On Sunday that he did not wish to pre-empt or speculate on Raila’s next move hours before such an important decision.
“The PM has all along been fully prepared for both scenarios — a win or a loss of his election petition. And he will address the nation after the ruling by the Supreme Court, where he will personally and adequately address such concerns as to his next plan of action,” remarked Mr Onyango.
Hands full
Regarding Kalonzo’s next step, his official spokesman Kaplich Barsito, revealed that the outgoing VP would remain politically active by revamping his Wiper Democratic Movement (WDM) party across the country. Kalonzo, said the aide, will focus his energies on strengthening the Wiper party and the CORD coalition with a view to ensuring they keep the Uhuru-led Government in check.
Besides political engagement, Mr Kaplich observes that his boss will have his hands full: “Owing to his political career spanning nearly three decades, the VP has created many international contacts, which will prove handy in keeping him pre-occupied. He also has the Kalonzo Musyoka Foundation – a very noble programme – to run, not to forget that as a professional lawyer, he may be tempted to re-start practising.”
In 2007, Raila and Kalonzo ran an electrifying campaign controversially finishing second and third in a highly discredited and disputed presidential poll. Incidentally, the duo had initially teamed up in the original Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya.
There is no denying that the loss of the elections by the pair to President-elect Uhuru Kenyatta and deputy President-elect William Ruto is a big blow to the political careers of Raila and Kalonzo. Munene particularly regrets the two are of advanced age and have lost to a younger Uhuru-Ruto pair: “This type of scenario is not favourable to them even as they possibly plot a comeback, becau
Kalonzo’s next step, his official spokesman Kaplich Barsito, revealed that the outgoing VP would remain politically active by revamping his Wiper Democratic Movement (WDM) party across the country. Kalonzo, said the aide, will focus his energies on strengthening the Wiper party and the CORD coalition with a view to ensuring they keep the Uhuru-led Government in check.
Besides political engagement, Mr Kaplich observes that his boss will have his hands full: “Owing to his political career spanning nearly three decades, the VP has created many international contacts, which will prove handy in keeping him pre-occupied. He also has the Kalonzo Musyoka Foundation – a very noble programme – to run, not to forget that as a professional lawyer, he may be tempted to re-start practising.”
In 2007, Raila and Kalonzo ran an electrifying campaign controversially finishing second and third in a highly discredited and disputed presidential poll. Incidentally, the duo had initially teamed up in the original Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya.
There is no denying that the loss of the elections by the pair to President-elect Uhuru Kenyatta and deputy President-elect William Ruto is a big blow to the political careers of Raila and Kalonzo. Munene particularly regrets the two are of advanced age and have lost to a younger Uhuru-Ruto pair: “This type of scenario is not favourable to them even as they possibly plot a comeback, because age is not on their side.”
Nonetheless, between the two leaders, Munene opines that Kalonzo has a more realistic chance of bouncing back to active politics than Raila, considering that he is the younger one of the two and has ran for presidency only once, unlike Raila who has contested three times. “The only challenge for the outgoing VP is that, unlike the PM, he is more dependent on the support of other political players. He will therefore have to do a lot of legwork in striking the right alliances to get the necessary numbers for his presidential bid,” says the don.
Owing to their political experience and visibility beyond Kenya, Munene observes that Raila and Kalonzo are well respected and connected African statesmen, who can easily get a soft landing within the United Nations or African Union circles. He gives the examples of former UN Secretary General, Dr Kofi Annan, and former presidents, Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania, as among those honoured with plum assignments by the two bodies.
Separately, Kalonzo’s spokesman has informed The Standard On Sunday that the CORD leaders would now have to convene a meeting to chart the way forward on the political management of the CORD affiliate parties in the National Assembly and Senate.
“With the CORD leaders, Prime Minister and Vice President, now out of the picture, a working formula will be arrived at with regard to how the coalition now proceeds with activity in both houses. Such a decision will be arrived at soon,” said Kaplich.
Tall order
In the meantime, the exit of Raila and Kalonzo is expected to generate political competition in their separate Luo-Nyanza and Ukambani political backyards, as new leaders scramble to fill the vacuum left by two of the country’s outgoing top three political leaders, minus President Kibaki.
Already the names of Senators James Orengo (Siaya) and Anyang’ Nyong’o (Kisumu) are among those being mentioned as possible successors of Raila, who has influenced Luo Nyanza politics for the last two decades.
Also on the lips of observers is the newly-elected Nairobi Governor Dr Evans Kidero. Apparently, the name of Raila’s elder brother, Oburu Oginga, who lost the bid to be Governor of Siaya County but who was nominated to the National Assembly, does not feature.
From Ukambani, outgoing Water Minister Charity Ngilu is expected to be the primary beneficiary of Kalonzo’s exit. The former Kitui Central MP, who is one of the principals in the Uhuru-led Jubilee Coalition, is expected to be nominated for the position of Cabinet secretary.
However, it may prove a tall order for Ngilu, who was trounced by CORD’s David Musila in her election bid for the Kitui Senate seat, to offer alternative political leadership. Musila and fellow senators, Mutula Kilonzo (Makueni) and Johnston Muthama possible Kalonzo successors.
The powermen behind Raila Odinga unveiled
The term ‘Kitchen Cabinet’ was coined some 200 years ago by opponents
of US President Andrew Jackson to describe an informal coterie of
trusted friends, associates and advisers on whom the leader relied upon
to govern.
Members of kitchen cabinets enjoy inordinate access to the leader and are often in a position to influence – formally and informally – the leader’s thinking, policies and decisions on critical issues of the moment.
Raila Odinga has been a central player in Kenya’s politics for over three decades now and during this period he has built, discarded, re-built or freshened up his kitchen cabinet many times over.
So, who are the members of Raila’s kitchen cabinet today? Who are the people he has relied upon in moments of crisis and moments of good tidings to help him think through and move forward? Here we go.
Mohamed Jaffer: Most probably few Kenyans would recognize him even if he appeared on their doorstep with a briefcase full of cash. But the 65-year old Jaffer, the proprietor of the multi-million dollar investment that is the Grain Bulk Handlers Limited is a businessman extraordinaire. He is one of the wealthiest and best-networked tycoons in Coast region and beyond.
Jaffer enjoys a close friendship with Raila Odinga, which dates several years back.
Powerbroker
Those in the know say Jaffer
is perhaps the only living person, besides President Kibaki or retired President Moi, who can call the Prime Minister and request him to go to his home and the PM will invariably and obligingly honour the request. That is the ultimate definition of a powerbroker in any political lexicon.
Besides being politically suave, Jaffer draws significant influence from the fact that he has also been one of the largest – if not the largest – financial benefactor to political courses associated with the PM for years.
“Some ODM politicians often go to Jaffer to have him convince the PM on an issue they fear facing Raila directly on,” confides an insider, adding “the general public thinks Hassan Joho is the main guy at the Coast but nothing could be further from the truth.”
Caroli Omondi: He is regarded as one of the smoothest operators in the Prime Minister’s office. As the PM’s Chief of Staff, Caroli is not just the gatekeeper but also holds the keys to sources of political fundraising.
Omondi has something of a fairly chequered history though. After graduating from the law school in 1991, Caroli worked at the State Law Office – Treaties and Agreements Department – for eight years where he established a very close relationship with the then Attorney General (now ODM senator) Amos Wako. While at the Treaties and agreements Department, Omondi, then working with Nicholas Biwott’s daughter, was trusted by Wako to craft and draft the law that created independent power producers, something that introduced Caroli to the world of big money. And from that point he never looked back.
Funding
Omondi’s initial influence around the PM emanated from the fact that he was one of the earlier ‘investors’ in Raila at a time when the PM did not have much money. Besides contributing significant amounts of money to fund Raila’s campaigns, Omondi also donated premises to house ODM and other political outfits associated with the PM. These acts of carefully planned ‘generosity’ gave Caroli inordinate hold on the political machinery around the PM.
Omondi was the man entrusted with resource mobilisation during the presidential campaign as well the man who was in charge of distributing money to party agents countrywide during the elections.
At the PM’s office, Caroli has been feared, loathed and loved by some in equal measures. Nevertheless, he appears to have grown umbilical-cord-like kind of links with the PM such that the two are almost permanently intertwined and none may survive without the other.
George Opondo: Everyone in Raila’s inner circle refers to him simply as the ‘Kulei’ of the PM – in reference to Joshua Kulei, then powerful Personal Assistant to retired President Moi during his days in power. To be mentioned in the
uo;s daughter, was trusted by Wako to craft and draft the law that created independent power producers, something that introduced Caroli to the world of big money. And from that point he never looked back.
Funding
Omondi’s initial influence around the PM emanated from the fact that he was one of the earlier ‘investors’ in Raila at a time when the PM did not have much money. Besides contributing significant amounts of money to fund Raila’s campaigns, Omondi also donated premises to house ODM and other political outfits associated with the PM. These acts of carefully planned ‘generosity’ gave Caroli inordinate hold on the political machinery around the PM.
Omondi was the man entrusted with resource mobilisation during the presidential campaign as well the man who was in charge of distributing money to party agents countrywide during the elections.
At the PM’s office, Caroli has been feared, loathed and loved by some in equal measures. Nevertheless, he appears to have grown umbilical-cord-like kind of links with the PM such that the two are almost permanently intertwined and none may survive without the other.
George Opondo: Everyone in Raila’s inner circle refers to him simply as the ‘Kulei’ of the PM – in reference to Joshua Kulei, then powerful Personal Assistant to retired President Moi during his days in power. To be mentioned in the same breath with or be compared to the former PA to retired President Moi is in itself a good pointer one’s discreet power and influence behind the scenes.
Opondo, who hails from Uyoma in Rarieda, has been with the Odinga family for many years and initially served as PA to Raila’s father.
Fiercely loyal
He is one of the very few people Raila trusts to collect, handle and disburse funds for political operations. He is fiercely loyal to Raila while at the same time studiously avoiding the limelight preferring to operate from the shadows and never speaking unless spoken to. However, the very fact that the PM trusts him with crucial matters of finances has given Opondo much clout in Raila’s inner circle and anyone who does business – political or otherwise – with the PM on a regular basis is bound to have to deal with Opondo at some point.
Eliud Owalo: He is the man Raila trusted to run his presidential campaign. Owalo, a management consultant, initially served as founder member of Friends of Raila (Fora) lobby group before he was tapped by the PM to be his Chief Campaign Manager. Not being an original member of Team Raila, Owalo had several run-ins with politicians who wanted to influence decisions to serve their own selfish ends while sacrificing the PM’s larger interests. This did not endear Owalo to a political clique from Nyanza but he soldiered on leading the campaigns, thanks thumbs up from the PM.
Owalo’s strength around the PM has often been his independence of mind and apparent lack of political ambitions, something that meant Raila could count on his (Owalo’s) dispassionate judgment on crucial issues.
Perhaps a good measure of Owalo’s credentials as a member of the trusted inner circle is the fact that Candidate Raila Odinga trusted him enough to designate him as the person to spearhead the presidential election petition. The PM later amended the petition to become the direct petitioner.
By virtue of his position as Chief Campaign Manager, Owalo has enjoyed unlimited access to the PM.
Sarah Elderkin: She is a former journalist with the defunct Weekly Review magazine. Like some other members of Raila’s inner circle, Sarah’s relationship with the Odingas dates back to Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s days.
She enjoys direct access to the PM. Sarah is Raila’s personal speech writer who cheerfully adopts the role of political attack-dog penning sharp articles in the media when the PM’s integrity is question or is at stake.
As the PM’s trusted communications advisor, Sarah wields significant influence on what Raila says. She is regarded as one of the few people in the inner circle who will not shy away from telling the PM he is wrong and firmly stand her ground on a matter of principle. For this reason, Raila values her judgment. For
same breath with or be compared to the former PA to retired President Moi is in itself a good pointer one’s discreet power and influence behind the scenes.
Opondo, who hails from Uyoma in Rarieda, has been with the Odinga family for many years and initially served as PA to Raila’s father.
Fiercely loyal
He is one of the very few people Raila trusts to collect, handle and disburse funds for political operations. He is fiercely loyal to Raila while at the same time studiously avoiding the limelight preferring to operate from the shadows and never speaking unless spoken to. However, the very fact that the PM trusts him with crucial matters of finances has given Opondo much clout in Raila’s inner circle and anyone who does business – political or otherwise – with the PM on a regular basis is bound to have to deal with Opondo at some point.
Eliud Owalo: He is the man Raila trusted to run his presidential campaign. Owalo, a management consultant, initially served as founder member of Friends of Raila (Fora) lobby group before he was tapped by the PM to be his Chief Campaign Manager. Not being an original member of Team Raila, Owalo had several run-ins with politicians who wanted to influence decisions to serve their own selfish ends while sacrificing the PM’s larger interests. This did not endear Owalo to a political clique from Nyanza but he soldiered on leading the campaigns, thanks thumbs up from the PM.
Owalo’s strength around the PM has often been his independence of mind and apparent lack of political ambitions, something that meant Raila could count on his (Owalo’s) dispassionate judgment on crucial issues.
Perhaps a good measure of Owalo’s credentials as a member of the trusted inner circle is the fact that Candidate Raila Odinga trusted him enough to designate him as the person to spearhead the presidential election petition. The PM later amended the petition to become the direct petitioner.
By virtue of his position as Chief Campaign Manager, Owalo has enjoyed unlimited access to the PM.
Sarah Elderkin: She is a former journalist with the defunct Weekly Review magazine. Like some other members of Raila’s inner circle, Sarah’s relationship with the Odingas dates back to Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s days.
She enjoys direct access to the PM. Sarah is Raila’s personal speech writer who cheerfully adopts the role of political attack-dog penning sharp articles in the media when the PM’s integrity is question or is at stake.
As the PM’s trusted communications advisor, Sarah wields significant influence on what Raila says. She is regarded as one of the few people in the inner circle who will not shy away from telling the PM he is wrong and firmly stand her ground on a matter of principle. For this reason, Raila values her judgment. Former journalist Salim Lone also happens to be a close confidant of the PM but his influence is mainly focused on maintaining international links for the PM. Those close to the PM describe Salim Lone as someone who approaches politics “too officially” to fit in well in the murky world of politics.
James Orengo: A lawyer by training, Orengo’s relationship dates back to late 1980s when the two led the struggle for the country’s second liberation. At some point in the 90s, Orengo and Raila were political rivals competing for supremacy in Nyanza. Raila emerged tops in that contest while Orengo lost his parliamentary seat.
To make a comeback Orengo had to eat humble pie and concede that he was not Raila’s equal. Since then, the two have become something of political Siamese twins. Today Orengo is one of the PM’s most trusted political operatives.
Raila relies on him not just for legal advice but also on a wide range of political and business issues. This has made Orengo one of the most powerful players around the PM today.
Those in the know say Orengo completely eclipsed other political players previously close to the PM such as Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o and Dalmas Otieno whose influence these days is determined on an issue by issue basis or the prevailing politics of the moment.
James Orengo: A lawyer by training, Orengo’s relationship dates back to late 1980s when the two led the struggle for the country’s second liberation. At some point in the 90s, Orengo and Raila were political rivals competing for supremacy in Nyanza. Raila emerged tops in that contest while Orengo lost his parliamentary seat.
To make a comeback Orengo had to eat humble pie and concede that he was not Raila’s equal. Since then, the two have become something of political Siamese twins. Today Orengo is one of the PM’s most trusted political operatives.
Raila relies on him not just for legal advice but also on a wide range of political and business issues. This has made Orengo one of the most powerful players around the PM today.
Those in the know say Orengo completely eclipsed other political players previously close to the PM such as Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o and Dalmas Otieno whose influence these days is determined on an issue by issue basis or the prevailing politics of the moment.
Ida Odinga: Besides being the PM’s wife, Ida is a powerful political player in her own right. She often influences key decisions including party issues.
Grown influence
Ida is someone few politicians around Raila would dare to cross because she doesn’t take prisoners.
There are other peripheral players around the PM such as the chairman of Royal Media Services SK Macharia and Charles Njonjo whom Raila has occasionally used to try and reach out to business elites in Central Kenya.
Johnston Muthama is another player who has gained access to the inner sanctums of Raila’s power network.
Muthama’s clout grew tremendously when he delivered Kalonzo Musyoka and his Wiper Party to team up with Raila and form the CORD team.
Business tycoon Peter Muthoka of Andy Forwarders is also another player with an inside track within Raila’s circle.
His influence grew during the elections by virtue of the resources he managed to contribute towards the Raila Odinga-Kalonzo Musyoka presidential bid.
Credits:Mwenda Njoka
Members of kitchen cabinets enjoy inordinate access to the leader and are often in a position to influence – formally and informally – the leader’s thinking, policies and decisions on critical issues of the moment.
Raila Odinga has been a central player in Kenya’s politics for over three decades now and during this period he has built, discarded, re-built or freshened up his kitchen cabinet many times over.
So, who are the members of Raila’s kitchen cabinet today? Who are the people he has relied upon in moments of crisis and moments of good tidings to help him think through and move forward? Here we go.
Mohamed Jaffer: Most probably few Kenyans would recognize him even if he appeared on their doorstep with a briefcase full of cash. But the 65-year old Jaffer, the proprietor of the multi-million dollar investment that is the Grain Bulk Handlers Limited is a businessman extraordinaire. He is one of the wealthiest and best-networked tycoons in Coast region and beyond.
Jaffer enjoys a close friendship with Raila Odinga, which dates several years back.
Powerbroker
Those in the know say Jaffer
is perhaps the only living person, besides President Kibaki or retired President Moi, who can call the Prime Minister and request him to go to his home and the PM will invariably and obligingly honour the request. That is the ultimate definition of a powerbroker in any political lexicon.
Besides being politically suave, Jaffer draws significant influence from the fact that he has also been one of the largest – if not the largest – financial benefactor to political courses associated with the PM for years.
“Some ODM politicians often go to Jaffer to have him convince the PM on an issue they fear facing Raila directly on,” confides an insider, adding “the general public thinks Hassan Joho is the main guy at the Coast but nothing could be further from the truth.”
Caroli Omondi: He is regarded as one of the smoothest operators in the Prime Minister’s office. As the PM’s Chief of Staff, Caroli is not just the gatekeeper but also holds the keys to sources of political fundraising.
Omondi has something of a fairly chequered history though. After graduating from the law school in 1991, Caroli worked at the State Law Office – Treaties and Agreements Department – for eight years where he established a very close relationship with the then Attorney General (now ODM senator) Amos Wako. While at the Treaties and agreements Department, Omondi, then working with Nicholas Biwott’s daughter, was trusted by Wako to craft and draft the law that created independent power producers, something that introduced Caroli to the world of big money. And from that point he never looked back.
Funding
Omondi’s initial influence around the PM emanated from the fact that he was one of the earlier ‘investors’ in Raila at a time when the PM did not have much money. Besides contributing significant amounts of money to fund Raila’s campaigns, Omondi also donated premises to house ODM and other political outfits associated with the PM. These acts of carefully planned ‘generosity’ gave Caroli inordinate hold on the political machinery around the PM.
Omondi was the man entrusted with resource mobilisation during the presidential campaign as well the man who was in charge of distributing money to party agents countrywide during the elections.
At the PM’s office, Caroli has been feared, loathed and loved by some in equal measures. Nevertheless, he appears to have grown umbilical-cord-like kind of links with the PM such that the two are almost permanently intertwined and none may survive without the other.
George Opondo: Everyone in Raila’s inner circle refers to him simply as the ‘Kulei’ of the PM – in reference to Joshua Kulei, then powerful Personal Assistant to retired President Moi during his days in power. To be mentioned in the
uo;s daughter, was trusted by Wako to craft and draft the law that created independent power producers, something that introduced Caroli to the world of big money. And from that point he never looked back.
Funding
Omondi’s initial influence around the PM emanated from the fact that he was one of the earlier ‘investors’ in Raila at a time when the PM did not have much money. Besides contributing significant amounts of money to fund Raila’s campaigns, Omondi also donated premises to house ODM and other political outfits associated with the PM. These acts of carefully planned ‘generosity’ gave Caroli inordinate hold on the political machinery around the PM.
Omondi was the man entrusted with resource mobilisation during the presidential campaign as well the man who was in charge of distributing money to party agents countrywide during the elections.
At the PM’s office, Caroli has been feared, loathed and loved by some in equal measures. Nevertheless, he appears to have grown umbilical-cord-like kind of links with the PM such that the two are almost permanently intertwined and none may survive without the other.
George Opondo: Everyone in Raila’s inner circle refers to him simply as the ‘Kulei’ of the PM – in reference to Joshua Kulei, then powerful Personal Assistant to retired President Moi during his days in power. To be mentioned in the same breath with or be compared to the former PA to retired President Moi is in itself a good pointer one’s discreet power and influence behind the scenes.
Opondo, who hails from Uyoma in Rarieda, has been with the Odinga family for many years and initially served as PA to Raila’s father.
Fiercely loyal
He is one of the very few people Raila trusts to collect, handle and disburse funds for political operations. He is fiercely loyal to Raila while at the same time studiously avoiding the limelight preferring to operate from the shadows and never speaking unless spoken to. However, the very fact that the PM trusts him with crucial matters of finances has given Opondo much clout in Raila’s inner circle and anyone who does business – political or otherwise – with the PM on a regular basis is bound to have to deal with Opondo at some point.
Eliud Owalo: He is the man Raila trusted to run his presidential campaign. Owalo, a management consultant, initially served as founder member of Friends of Raila (Fora) lobby group before he was tapped by the PM to be his Chief Campaign Manager. Not being an original member of Team Raila, Owalo had several run-ins with politicians who wanted to influence decisions to serve their own selfish ends while sacrificing the PM’s larger interests. This did not endear Owalo to a political clique from Nyanza but he soldiered on leading the campaigns, thanks thumbs up from the PM.
Owalo’s strength around the PM has often been his independence of mind and apparent lack of political ambitions, something that meant Raila could count on his (Owalo’s) dispassionate judgment on crucial issues.
Perhaps a good measure of Owalo’s credentials as a member of the trusted inner circle is the fact that Candidate Raila Odinga trusted him enough to designate him as the person to spearhead the presidential election petition. The PM later amended the petition to become the direct petitioner.
By virtue of his position as Chief Campaign Manager, Owalo has enjoyed unlimited access to the PM.
Sarah Elderkin: She is a former journalist with the defunct Weekly Review magazine. Like some other members of Raila’s inner circle, Sarah’s relationship with the Odingas dates back to Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s days.
She enjoys direct access to the PM. Sarah is Raila’s personal speech writer who cheerfully adopts the role of political attack-dog penning sharp articles in the media when the PM’s integrity is question or is at stake.
As the PM’s trusted communications advisor, Sarah wields significant influence on what Raila says. She is regarded as one of the few people in the inner circle who will not shy away from telling the PM he is wrong and firmly stand her ground on a matter of principle. For this reason, Raila values her judgment. For
same breath with or be compared to the former PA to retired President Moi is in itself a good pointer one’s discreet power and influence behind the scenes.
Opondo, who hails from Uyoma in Rarieda, has been with the Odinga family for many years and initially served as PA to Raila’s father.
Fiercely loyal
He is one of the very few people Raila trusts to collect, handle and disburse funds for political operations. He is fiercely loyal to Raila while at the same time studiously avoiding the limelight preferring to operate from the shadows and never speaking unless spoken to. However, the very fact that the PM trusts him with crucial matters of finances has given Opondo much clout in Raila’s inner circle and anyone who does business – political or otherwise – with the PM on a regular basis is bound to have to deal with Opondo at some point.
Eliud Owalo: He is the man Raila trusted to run his presidential campaign. Owalo, a management consultant, initially served as founder member of Friends of Raila (Fora) lobby group before he was tapped by the PM to be his Chief Campaign Manager. Not being an original member of Team Raila, Owalo had several run-ins with politicians who wanted to influence decisions to serve their own selfish ends while sacrificing the PM’s larger interests. This did not endear Owalo to a political clique from Nyanza but he soldiered on leading the campaigns, thanks thumbs up from the PM.
Owalo’s strength around the PM has often been his independence of mind and apparent lack of political ambitions, something that meant Raila could count on his (Owalo’s) dispassionate judgment on crucial issues.
Perhaps a good measure of Owalo’s credentials as a member of the trusted inner circle is the fact that Candidate Raila Odinga trusted him enough to designate him as the person to spearhead the presidential election petition. The PM later amended the petition to become the direct petitioner.
By virtue of his position as Chief Campaign Manager, Owalo has enjoyed unlimited access to the PM.
Sarah Elderkin: She is a former journalist with the defunct Weekly Review magazine. Like some other members of Raila’s inner circle, Sarah’s relationship with the Odingas dates back to Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s days.
She enjoys direct access to the PM. Sarah is Raila’s personal speech writer who cheerfully adopts the role of political attack-dog penning sharp articles in the media when the PM’s integrity is question or is at stake.
As the PM’s trusted communications advisor, Sarah wields significant influence on what Raila says. She is regarded as one of the few people in the inner circle who will not shy away from telling the PM he is wrong and firmly stand her ground on a matter of principle. For this reason, Raila values her judgment. Former journalist Salim Lone also happens to be a close confidant of the PM but his influence is mainly focused on maintaining international links for the PM. Those close to the PM describe Salim Lone as someone who approaches politics “too officially” to fit in well in the murky world of politics.
James Orengo: A lawyer by training, Orengo’s relationship dates back to late 1980s when the two led the struggle for the country’s second liberation. At some point in the 90s, Orengo and Raila were political rivals competing for supremacy in Nyanza. Raila emerged tops in that contest while Orengo lost his parliamentary seat.
To make a comeback Orengo had to eat humble pie and concede that he was not Raila’s equal. Since then, the two have become something of political Siamese twins. Today Orengo is one of the PM’s most trusted political operatives.
Raila relies on him not just for legal advice but also on a wide range of political and business issues. This has made Orengo one of the most powerful players around the PM today.
Those in the know say Orengo completely eclipsed other political players previously close to the PM such as Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o and Dalmas Otieno whose influence these days is determined on an issue by issue basis or the prevailing politics of the moment.
James Orengo: A lawyer by training, Orengo’s relationship dates back to late 1980s when the two led the struggle for the country’s second liberation. At some point in the 90s, Orengo and Raila were political rivals competing for supremacy in Nyanza. Raila emerged tops in that contest while Orengo lost his parliamentary seat.
To make a comeback Orengo had to eat humble pie and concede that he was not Raila’s equal. Since then, the two have become something of political Siamese twins. Today Orengo is one of the PM’s most trusted political operatives.
Raila relies on him not just for legal advice but also on a wide range of political and business issues. This has made Orengo one of the most powerful players around the PM today.
Those in the know say Orengo completely eclipsed other political players previously close to the PM such as Prof. Anyang’ Nyong’o and Dalmas Otieno whose influence these days is determined on an issue by issue basis or the prevailing politics of the moment.
Ida Odinga: Besides being the PM’s wife, Ida is a powerful political player in her own right. She often influences key decisions including party issues.
Grown influence
Ida is someone few politicians around Raila would dare to cross because she doesn’t take prisoners.
There are other peripheral players around the PM such as the chairman of Royal Media Services SK Macharia and Charles Njonjo whom Raila has occasionally used to try and reach out to business elites in Central Kenya.
Johnston Muthama is another player who has gained access to the inner sanctums of Raila’s power network.
Muthama’s clout grew tremendously when he delivered Kalonzo Musyoka and his Wiper Party to team up with Raila and form the CORD team.
Business tycoon Peter Muthoka of Andy Forwarders is also another player with an inside track within Raila’s circle.
His influence grew during the elections by virtue of the resources he managed to contribute towards the Raila Odinga-Kalonzo Musyoka presidential bid.
Credits:Mwenda Njoka
Uhuru Kenyatta declared the fourth President of Kenya
Uhuru
Muigai Kenyatta is a Kenyan politician who was elected as President of
Kenya in March 2013. He has served in the government of Kenya as Deputy
Prime Minister since 2008 and was also the Member of Parliament for
Gatundu South Constituency. Wikipedia
Spouse: Margaret Wanjiru Gakuo (m. 1991)
Presidential term: March 26, 2013 –
Education: Amherst College (1985 – 1989), St. Mary's School, Nairobi (1979)
Uhuru Kenyatta will now be sworn in as Kenya’s fourth president
on April 9, after the Supreme Court unanimously struck out Prime
Minister Raila Odinga’s petition challenging his election.
In the landmark decision, the judges agreed that the
announcement by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission
(IEBC) declaring Kenyatta as president will stand.
“The following is the unanimous decision of the court. The election was conducted in a free, fair, transparent and credible manner in compliance of the Constitution and all relevant provisions of the law,” Chief Justice Willy Mutunga who read the decision said.
The six-judge bench arrived at the verdict after analysing arguments brought forth by lawyers for the IEBC, Kenyatta, deputy President-elect William Ruto and three voters who wanted a determination on the validity of rejected ballots in the finally tally.
Mutunga said it was after extensive deliberations that he six judges collectively agreed that IEBC conducted the election as expected by the law and Constitution.
“After extensive deliberations we are happy to announce that the Supreme Court has reached a unanimous decision on all the four issues that fell for the determination in presidential petition as consolidated,” Mutunga said.
The judges said that Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto were duly elected on March 4.
“It is the decision of the court that the 3rd and 4th respondents were validly elected.”
The judges also felt that rejected votes which were included in the final tally of the presidential results should not have been factored.
This meant that that Kenyatta considerably passed the 50percent + 1 mark to win in the first round.
“Petition numbers 5 and 4 are declined. As to petition number 3 the prayer by the petitioner seeking declaration of re-computation of percentages by the second respondent is declined as the court has no jurisdiction,” he said.
The judges ruled that each of the parties were ordered to subsequently bear their own costs for the petition.
Prime Minister Raila Odinga and the Africa Centre for Open Governance and moved to court on March 16 to challenge the election of Kenyatta
They wanted the court to nullify the announcement by IEBC that Kenyatta won the election.
They argued that IEBC conducted a flawed election to favour the Jubilee presidential candidate over his closest contender, Coalition for Reform and Democracy candidate Odinga.
They also said IEBC had planned its election Information and Technology Systems to fail to the advantage of Kenyatta.
However, according to the historical ruling delivered on Saturday evening, the allegations were dismissed and the status quo remains.
“The following is the unanimous decision of the court. The election was conducted in a free, fair, transparent and credible manner in compliance of the Constitution and all relevant provisions of the law,” Chief Justice Willy Mutunga who read the decision said.
The six-judge bench arrived at the verdict after analysing arguments brought forth by lawyers for the IEBC, Kenyatta, deputy President-elect William Ruto and three voters who wanted a determination on the validity of rejected ballots in the finally tally.
Mutunga said it was after extensive deliberations that he six judges collectively agreed that IEBC conducted the election as expected by the law and Constitution.
“After extensive deliberations we are happy to announce that the Supreme Court has reached a unanimous decision on all the four issues that fell for the determination in presidential petition as consolidated,” Mutunga said.
The judges said that Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto were duly elected on March 4.
“It is the decision of the court that the 3rd and 4th respondents were validly elected.”
The judges also felt that rejected votes which were included in the final tally of the presidential results should not have been factored.
This meant that that Kenyatta considerably passed the 50percent + 1 mark to win in the first round.
“Petition numbers 5 and 4 are declined. As to petition number 3 the prayer by the petitioner seeking declaration of re-computation of percentages by the second respondent is declined as the court has no jurisdiction,” he said.
The judges ruled that each of the parties were ordered to subsequently bear their own costs for the petition.
Prime Minister Raila Odinga and the Africa Centre for Open Governance and moved to court on March 16 to challenge the election of Kenyatta
They wanted the court to nullify the announcement by IEBC that Kenyatta won the election.
They argued that IEBC conducted a flawed election to favour the Jubilee presidential candidate over his closest contender, Coalition for Reform and Democracy candidate Odinga.
They also said IEBC had planned its election Information and Technology Systems to fail to the advantage of Kenyatta.
However, according to the historical ruling delivered on Saturday evening, the allegations were dismissed and the status quo remains.
IEBC’s response to Supreme Court verdict
ISSACK HASSSAN
The commission recognises the creation of the Supreme Court, an institution set up by the Constitution that Kenyans promulgated.
This is the first presidential petition to be filed before this court.
The court has demonstrated high level of professionalism by listening impartially to the litigants through their counsel.
It is a historic case and the ruling is both a precedent and a landmark decision which will guide future elections in our country, Kenya.
One of the core values of the IEBC is commitment to the respect for the rule of law. The commission is bound to respect and obey the decision of the highest court in the land and we will do so.
The journey towards this election was very involving: starting from voter registration, inspection of the register, nominations and finally the election which was conducted on 4th March, 2013.
As a commission, we wish to thank the petitioner for his approach to the resolution of his grievances.
We also acknowledge the respondents for equally embracing the unifying role of judicial settlement of disputes.
There are no winners and losers in this case. Kenyans should remain united and peaceful. This case is a classic example of how far Kenya has matured democratically.
In a special way, we wish to thank all Kenyans for the large turnout. Eighty-Six percent voter turnout is a reflection of the commitment and seriousness attributed by voters to the election, an indication of their connection with matters of governance in this country.
Just like all Kenyans voted peacefully, we call upon them again to maintain peace and calm following the ruling pronounced by the Supreme Court.
It is this same profound goodwill that enabled the commission to accomplish the enormous mandate of conducting the 2013 general elections.
Finally, we wish to recognize all the IEBC members of staff who worked tirelessly to manage this election; this is the first election of its kind (six elections in a single day) to be carried out in this country and owing to its enormity, various lessons were learnt arising from the challenges that were observed by the commission.
We are conducting our internal audit and we want to ensure all Kenyans that we shall incorporate the recommendations that will arise from the said audit structural, technical and organisational.
Uhuru’s speech after Supreme Court ruling
My fellow Kenyans,
As you are aware, the Supreme Court earlier this evening delivered its verdict on the matter of the petition challenging my election as the Fourth President of the Republic of Kenya.
As the Jubilee Coalition, we welcome and respect the verdict of the Judges.
Following the upholding of the electoral outcome as announced by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, I wish to assure all Kenyans that the ruling of the Supreme Court is not a victory of the Jubilee Coalition and its partners.
Rather, the ruling is a victory for all Kenyans who turned up on the 4th of March this year to undertake a civic duty by participating in a democratic process that is crucial to the continued good governance of our country.
I want to assure all Kenyans, including those who did not vote for the Jubilee Coalition, and indeed even those who challenged the validity of my election, that my Government will work with, and serve all Kenyans without any discrimination whatsoever.
I assure Kenyans that our government will be as inclusive as possible and will reflect the face of our great country.
Personally, I sincerely thank my brother Hon. Raila Odinga for wishing us well and reach out to him and our other worthy competitors to join us so that we can work together in the interest of the wellbeing of our people.
I call upon all Kenyans from across the entire political divide to now rise above the partisanship of the recent electoral contest and join hands in building our country.
Let us all renew our sense of nationhood and let us all rededicate ourselves to building a united country at peace with itself.
I call upon religious and civil society leaders to continue playing their role in the process of national healing that is needed after a heated electoral contest.
To all wananchi, I urge you all to accept that the elections are over and we must now continue living together as members of one family.
Let us rise above the differences of the electoral period and continue coexisting peacefully as brothers and sisters.
Above all, let us all continue to pray for peace in our country.
Finally, I take this opportunity to congratulate the Judges of the Supreme Court for delivering a verdict under extremely constrained timelines.
I also congratulate all counsels for the able representation of all parties involved in the petition.
Thank you and God bless Kenya, our people and our institutions.
Uhuru Kenyatta’s winning methods
Political analysts in Kenya say president-elect Uhuru Kenyatta
won the election earlier this month because he lifted significant
numbers of votes from areas traditionally supportive of his main rival,
Raila Odinga.
After a protracted counting process, Kenyatta was declared winner on March 9 with 4,000 votes over the 50 per cent plus one he needed to avoid going into a second, runoff vote.
Kenyatta won 50.07 per cent of the vote, while Odinga polled 43. 3 per cent with the rest of votes shared by six other candidates.
On March 16, Odinga filed a petition at the Supreme Court in Nairobi challenging the poll result and accusing Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, IEBC. A ruling will be made by March 30.
This election is likely to prove Odinga’s last chance of becoming president after an unsuccessful attempt in the last election, held in December 2007.
Kenyatta and his running mate in the Jubilee coalition, William Ruto, are facing trial at the International Criminal Court, ICC, for their alleged role in orchestrating the bloodshed that erupted after the 2007 election was disputed.
A third suspect, Joshua Arap Sang, also faces trial for the violence.
More than 1,100 people were killed and 600,000 others displaced as Kenya experienced the worst electoral violence in its history. The conflict was brought to a close in early 2008 when a coalition agreement was struck between Odinga, who became prime minister, and Mwai Kibaki, who was declared president.
In Kenya’s first general election since that unrest analysts say Odinga, who was standing for the Coalition for Reform and Democracy, CORD, appeared to have lost some of the support he previously enjoyed in various parts of Kenya.
Analysts say the Jubilee coalition secured more votes in traditionally CORD constituencies than the other way round.
“When you look at the results, Uhuru [Kenyatta] received more votes in Odinga’s strongholds as compared to what Odinga scored in Uhuru [Kenyatta] strongholds,” Tom Wolf, lead researcher at IPSOS Synovate, said. “This is attributed to the last-minute mobilisation done by Jubilee.”
In Mandera county in northeastern Kenya – usually seen as a CORD stronghold – Odinga picked up only around 4,000 thousand votes compared with a massive 94,000 for Kenyatta.
Turnout in Kenyatta’s traditional support-bases was higher than in Odinga’s, and this too proved a decisive factor.
“In the 20 counties where Mr Kenyatta received most votes, the average voter turnout was 88 per cent, while in the same number of counties Odinga had a turnout of 84 per cent,” Wolf said.
Kennedy Masime, executive director of the Centre for Governance and Development and chairman of the Elections Observation Group, said that Odinga failed to get enough of his traditional supporters to come out and vote.
“Uhuru’s [Kenyatta’s] ability to mobilise his Central and Rift Valley voters is hardly extraordinary. There were high stakes in this election, especially given the ICC issue,” Masime told Capital FM News.
Odinga’s efforts to muster support proved particularly challenging in Coast province – formerly one his strongholds – where a secessionist movement known as the Muslim Republican Council, MRC, actively tried to dissuade people from voting—including on the actual voting day when they unleashed violence, shooting dead four law enforcers during an attempted raid a police station.
Masime said Odinga’s hopes of becoming the next president were “dealt a blow” in Coast, where turnout was only 60 to 70 per cent.
James Oranga, a political consultant for Internews in Nairobi, attributes CORD’s low vote tally to Odinga being less vocal than his Jubilee rivals in encouraging voters to register during a month-long process held at the end of last year.
“This is a sharp contrast to the Jubilee Alliance, which not only mobilised its supporters to register but also implored them to go out and vote in large numbers. This is evident from the figures released during the tallying period,” Oranga said.
Dr Adams Oloo of the University of Nairobi’s Institute of Development Studies says another factor in Kenyatta’s favour is that he had more time than Odinga to travel around the country and build up support. Kenyatta stepped down as Kenyan finance minister in January 2012 after the ICC confirmed the charges against him, hitting the road immediately for to mobilize support.
By contrast, Odinga continued to carry out his duties as prime minister right up until formal campaigning got under way.
“[Odinga] seems to have [taken] his eye off the ball a long time ago, while the Jubilee team remained on the ground mobilising support,” Oloo said. “Raila [Odinga] was likely too busy with other issues as prime minister.”
In its campaign, CORD hoped to capitalise heavily on one apparently favourable factor – the criminal charges that Kenyatta and Ruto face at the ICC. Odinga repeatedly pointed out that, if elected, Kenyatta would be forced to govern Kenya from The Hague, where his trial is scheduled to start in July and could last several years.
Besides the practical difficulties posed by the trials, victims of the 2007-08 electoral violence have yet to see high-level perpetrators brought to account. Hundreds of families have yet to return to their homes, or resettle permanently elsewhere.
Nevertheless, analysts say Kenyatta and Ruto managed to turn the impending ICC trials to their advantage.
In the Rift Valley, which is dominated by the Kikuyu and Kalenjin communities – traditional backers of Kenyatta and Ruto, respectively – the ICC charges did not deter people from voting for the two candidates.
During campaigning, the Jubilee candidates portrayed the ICC charges as an indictment of the Kenyan people as a whole, and of their own ethnic groups—the Kikuyu and Kalenjins in particular.
“For Uhuru and Ruto, the ICC issue clearly played a major part in handing them the contested victory,” Martin Oloo, a political analyst in Nairobi, said. “The Kalenjins and Kikuyus, who were seen to be the largest voting bloc, seem to have been convinced that this was a case against them as communities.”
Oranga said that while Jubilee campaigned “vigorously” in the Rift region, CORD “banked on a wrong assumption. They thought they will get a third of the votes from Rift Valley, but ended up getting nothing from there.”
In Martin Oloo’s analysis, Odinga failed to make the most of the ICC issue, and his handling of it actually played into Jubilee’s hands.
In order to win votes among those opposed to the ICC trials, Odinga said that if he was elected president, he would try to bring the ICC cases back to be tried in Kenya. However, in the Rift Valley this pledge gave rise to a misperception that Odinga had some sort of control over the Hague process, and was therefore responsible for Kenyatta and Ruto being charged there in the first place.
Oloo noted that Odinga changed direction towards the end of his campaign, telling voters that people must face justice for their crimes.
“That change of tack spoiled [things] for him, because he became inconsistent. It was not strategic at all,” Oloo said.
Other analysts say the key messages delivered in the Kenyatta campaign contributed to his success.
Alfred Ng’ang’a, the general manager at Media Edge, a public relations firm, argued that one of Kenyatta’s strengths was his focus on the important issues that affect the day-to-day lives of “the common mwananchi” (a Swahili term meaning “public”).
“They [Jubilee] always spoke about problems facing the people, like lack of food, insecurity, unemployment and they spoke more often about what their government will do to offer solutions,” Ng’ang’a told Capital FM News.
Ng’ang’a said Kenyatta also demonstrated a greater willingness than Odinga to engage Kenya’s young people, a key section of the electorate.
According to government figures, 75 per cent of Kenya’s population is under 30 years old.
Ng’ang’a highlighted Kenyatta’s use of modern tools like social media and slogans such as “Dunda na Uhuru” (“Dance with Uhuru”) which appealed to young people.
The Jubilee Alliance also ran poster and billboard campaign depicting young people seeking a government that would create jobs.
By contrast, Ng’ang’a said, Odinga focused too much on promises to reform the mechanisms of government and making amends for the failings of past administrations, and did not make it clear enough what he would do for Kenyans to benefit them directly.
“Unlike Jubilee, CORD concentrated too much on dwelling on issues of the past, which every government had been talking about, with no solutions,” Ng’ang’a said.
After a protracted counting process, Kenyatta was declared winner on March 9 with 4,000 votes over the 50 per cent plus one he needed to avoid going into a second, runoff vote.
Kenyatta won 50.07 per cent of the vote, while Odinga polled 43. 3 per cent with the rest of votes shared by six other candidates.
On March 16, Odinga filed a petition at the Supreme Court in Nairobi challenging the poll result and accusing Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, IEBC. A ruling will be made by March 30.
This election is likely to prove Odinga’s last chance of becoming president after an unsuccessful attempt in the last election, held in December 2007.
Kenyatta and his running mate in the Jubilee coalition, William Ruto, are facing trial at the International Criminal Court, ICC, for their alleged role in orchestrating the bloodshed that erupted after the 2007 election was disputed.
A third suspect, Joshua Arap Sang, also faces trial for the violence.
More than 1,100 people were killed and 600,000 others displaced as Kenya experienced the worst electoral violence in its history. The conflict was brought to a close in early 2008 when a coalition agreement was struck between Odinga, who became prime minister, and Mwai Kibaki, who was declared president.
In Kenya’s first general election since that unrest analysts say Odinga, who was standing for the Coalition for Reform and Democracy, CORD, appeared to have lost some of the support he previously enjoyed in various parts of Kenya.
Analysts say the Jubilee coalition secured more votes in traditionally CORD constituencies than the other way round.
“When you look at the results, Uhuru [Kenyatta] received more votes in Odinga’s strongholds as compared to what Odinga scored in Uhuru [Kenyatta] strongholds,” Tom Wolf, lead researcher at IPSOS Synovate, said. “This is attributed to the last-minute mobilisation done by Jubilee.”
In Mandera county in northeastern Kenya – usually seen as a CORD stronghold – Odinga picked up only around 4,000 thousand votes compared with a massive 94,000 for Kenyatta.
Turnout in Kenyatta’s traditional support-bases was higher than in Odinga’s, and this too proved a decisive factor.
“In the 20 counties where Mr Kenyatta received most votes, the average voter turnout was 88 per cent, while in the same number of counties Odinga had a turnout of 84 per cent,” Wolf said.
Kennedy Masime, executive director of the Centre for Governance and Development and chairman of the Elections Observation Group, said that Odinga failed to get enough of his traditional supporters to come out and vote.
“Uhuru’s [Kenyatta’s] ability to mobilise his Central and Rift Valley voters is hardly extraordinary. There were high stakes in this election, especially given the ICC issue,” Masime told Capital FM News.
Odinga’s efforts to muster support proved particularly challenging in Coast province – formerly one his strongholds – where a secessionist movement known as the Muslim Republican Council, MRC, actively tried to dissuade people from voting—including on the actual voting day when they unleashed violence, shooting dead four law enforcers during an attempted raid a police station.
Masime said Odinga’s hopes of becoming the next president were “dealt a blow” in Coast, where turnout was only 60 to 70 per cent.
James Oranga, a political consultant for Internews in Nairobi, attributes CORD’s low vote tally to Odinga being less vocal than his Jubilee rivals in encouraging voters to register during a month-long process held at the end of last year.
“This is a sharp contrast to the Jubilee Alliance, which not only mobilised its supporters to register but also implored them to go out and vote in large numbers. This is evident from the figures released during the tallying period,” Oranga said.
Dr Adams Oloo of the University of Nairobi’s Institute of Development Studies says another factor in Kenyatta’s favour is that he had more time than Odinga to travel around the country and build up support. Kenyatta stepped down as Kenyan finance minister in January 2012 after the ICC confirmed the charges against him, hitting the road immediately for to mobilize support.
By contrast, Odinga continued to carry out his duties as prime minister right up until formal campaigning got under way.
“[Odinga] seems to have [taken] his eye off the ball a long time ago, while the Jubilee team remained on the ground mobilising support,” Oloo said. “Raila [Odinga] was likely too busy with other issues as prime minister.”
In its campaign, CORD hoped to capitalise heavily on one apparently favourable factor – the criminal charges that Kenyatta and Ruto face at the ICC. Odinga repeatedly pointed out that, if elected, Kenyatta would be forced to govern Kenya from The Hague, where his trial is scheduled to start in July and could last several years.
Besides the practical difficulties posed by the trials, victims of the 2007-08 electoral violence have yet to see high-level perpetrators brought to account. Hundreds of families have yet to return to their homes, or resettle permanently elsewhere.
Nevertheless, analysts say Kenyatta and Ruto managed to turn the impending ICC trials to their advantage.
In the Rift Valley, which is dominated by the Kikuyu and Kalenjin communities – traditional backers of Kenyatta and Ruto, respectively – the ICC charges did not deter people from voting for the two candidates.
During campaigning, the Jubilee candidates portrayed the ICC charges as an indictment of the Kenyan people as a whole, and of their own ethnic groups—the Kikuyu and Kalenjins in particular.
“For Uhuru and Ruto, the ICC issue clearly played a major part in handing them the contested victory,” Martin Oloo, a political analyst in Nairobi, said. “The Kalenjins and Kikuyus, who were seen to be the largest voting bloc, seem to have been convinced that this was a case against them as communities.”
Oranga said that while Jubilee campaigned “vigorously” in the Rift region, CORD “banked on a wrong assumption. They thought they will get a third of the votes from Rift Valley, but ended up getting nothing from there.”
In Martin Oloo’s analysis, Odinga failed to make the most of the ICC issue, and his handling of it actually played into Jubilee’s hands.
In order to win votes among those opposed to the ICC trials, Odinga said that if he was elected president, he would try to bring the ICC cases back to be tried in Kenya. However, in the Rift Valley this pledge gave rise to a misperception that Odinga had some sort of control over the Hague process, and was therefore responsible for Kenyatta and Ruto being charged there in the first place.
Oloo noted that Odinga changed direction towards the end of his campaign, telling voters that people must face justice for their crimes.
“That change of tack spoiled [things] for him, because he became inconsistent. It was not strategic at all,” Oloo said.
Other analysts say the key messages delivered in the Kenyatta campaign contributed to his success.
Alfred Ng’ang’a, the general manager at Media Edge, a public relations firm, argued that one of Kenyatta’s strengths was his focus on the important issues that affect the day-to-day lives of “the common mwananchi” (a Swahili term meaning “public”).
“They [Jubilee] always spoke about problems facing the people, like lack of food, insecurity, unemployment and they spoke more often about what their government will do to offer solutions,” Ng’ang’a told Capital FM News.
Ng’ang’a said Kenyatta also demonstrated a greater willingness than Odinga to engage Kenya’s young people, a key section of the electorate.
According to government figures, 75 per cent of Kenya’s population is under 30 years old.
Ng’ang’a highlighted Kenyatta’s use of modern tools like social media and slogans such as “Dunda na Uhuru” (“Dance with Uhuru”) which appealed to young people.
The Jubilee Alliance also ran poster and billboard campaign depicting young people seeking a government that would create jobs.
By contrast, Ng’ang’a said, Odinga focused too much on promises to reform the mechanisms of government and making amends for the failings of past administrations, and did not make it clear enough what he would do for Kenyans to benefit them directly.
“Unlike Jubilee, CORD concentrated too much on dwelling on issues of the past, which every government had been talking about, with no solutions,” Ng’ang’a said.
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